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First, Black and Skeldon reviews the availability of data on studies concerned with the link between migration and development. Focusing on the United States, Massey reviews the state of current data related to immigration. Dancygier and Laitin reviews the methodological state of the literature and proposes new directions for future research. Bjerre, et al. Goodman reviews issues regarding policy indexes and provides recommendations for scholars interested in immigration policy.

The authors review existing indexes measuring immigration policies by critically comparing and discussing them. They also discuss methodological strengths and weaknesses of the indexes and how these affect the research questions that can be answered.

They propose the next steps in index building within the field of immigration policy. Black, Richard, and Ronald Skeldon. Reviews the availability of data sources for studies on the link between migration and development. The authors assess these data and discuss the role for empirical studies in the future. Dancygier, Rafaela M. The authors review the methodological state of literature on migration and propose new directions for future research. Goodman, Sara Wallace. Goodman argues that the state of literature on immigration policies is limited by sample selection.

The author makes recommendations in order to improve validity and measurement-related problems. Individuals, families, and groups move across international borders for various reasons; however, until recently, these flows were treated as more or less homogeneous. Some individuals move to improve their economic prospects, education, or personal freedom.

In the 20th century, international law was developed to account for some of the different reasons for international migration. This was accomplished by the adoption of the United Nations Convention relating to the status of refugees in supplemented by the Protocol. The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees provides annual reports on peoples qualifying under the refugee status. However, this international legal definition is hotly contested. More recently, a third type of individual who crosses international borders has been recognized: short-term travelers, such as students, businesspersons, and family members who come to certain countries for short visits.

This recognition has divided international migratory flows into three types: refugee, international travel, and economic migration see Koslowski The boundaries between these groups are often blurred but, nevertheless, they help researchers distinguish among types of migrants. The research referenced below traces these distinctions and the contestation of these boundaries. Betts, Alexander. Individuals flee in many circumstances, both natural and human disasters, in order to save their lives. The author argues that the refugee system needs to be revised to incorporate a broader understanding of migration for survival.

Karatani, Rieko.

Koslowski, Rey, ed. Global Mobility Regimes. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, Koslowski separates the movement of individuals across international borders into three types: refugee, international travel, and labor migration. This has been an important innovation in recognizing the different dimensions of international mobility. United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees.

The organization has expanded its operational capacities to include internally displaced persons: that is, individuals who would qualify for refugee status if they crossed an international border but are unable to do so. Regardless of the specific area of inquiry on international migration, it is useful to have a background that explains why international migration arises in the first place.

Luso-African Intimacies: Conceptions of National and Transnational Community

A more specific neoclassical economic model, elaborated in Borjas , points to labor markets as the central component of international migration: individuals respond to the demand for labor across international boundaries, moving to the location with the highest return. Stark challenges this description of a migrant making individually rational decisions and presents a model of the family as the primary unit of analysis. Families seek to reduce the risk of income variation through multilocational households: rural, urban, and international. Piore sees migrants as target earners, filling dirty, dangerous, and difficult jobs in the segmented labor markets in industrial societies, planning on returning home once income goals are met.

On the other hand, Castles and Kosack points to the international capitalist system and capital penetration of poor countries in search of cheap and disposable labor to explain the phenomenon of international migration. Kritz, et al. Massey, et al. Massey also proposes the notion of cumulative causation, which suggests that migration itself induces social and economic changes that make migration more likely in the future.

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De Haas explores the endogenous feedback loops of migration processes and points out weaknesses in the research agenda. Neoclassical migration theory posits that individuals move across international boundaries in response to the supply and demand for labor, in order to obtain the highest return; this theory was developed to explain rural to urban migration.

Borjas applies these concepts to international migration. Castles, Stephen, and Godula Kosack. These authors take a historical-structuralist approach and explain migration as a function of the capitalist system and the inequality in power that results. International migration serves to provide capitalists with cheap and disposable labor.

De Haas, Hein. De Haas suggests that current migration theories cannot explain why networks emerge. Second, he differentiates between endogenous and the contextual feedback mechanism, suggesting that the contextual feedback mechanism is a second-order effect that affects wider societal issues e. Kritz, Mary M. These scholars adapt the framework of the geographer, Mabogunje, to international migration.

The idea is that one form of exchange, such as trade, can engender other forms of exchange, such as international migration. Massey presents the case for the cumulative causation of migration: that is, that migration induces changes in social and economic structures that increase the probability of future migration. Berkeley: University of California Press, Passaris, Constantine E. Piore, Michael J. Building on the New Economics of Labor Migration, Piore posits segmented labor markets as a cause of international migration.

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Migrant workers have target income goals to help meet needs in their home society and intend temporary stays. They fill dirty, difficult, and dangerous jobs in the host society because their status depends on their status at home rather than in the host country. Ravenstein, Ernest George.


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Stark, Oded. Rome: Food and Agricultural Organization, Migrants may move even without wage differentials in order to provide an alternative source of income. The research on the economic consequences of immigration is dominated, not surprisingly, by economists. There are two major strands of research.

The first examines the distributional elements of immigration and the impact on worker wages; the second is the fiscal impact of immigration.

A third strand examines the global welfare benefits of immigration; this is included in the section the Fiscal Impact of Immigration. Much of the initial research on the labor market consequences of immigration relies on economic theory but is evaluated empirically with data from the United States.

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Reder provides an early analysis of the various economic dimensions that should be considered. Several review articles update the debate on the labor market consequences of immigration. Borjas is the classical reference; this is followed by Longhi, et al.

Edo provides the most recent overview. Much of this research focuses on whether immigrant labor is complementary to the native workforce, in which case immigrants increase the returns to the native workforce, or whether immigrants compete with the native workforce, thereby decreasing the returns. Light, et al. The authors of Freeman and Kessler are political scientists who argue that economists have omitted the role of the state in immigration policy and that research on the economic consequences of immigration would benefit by including the role of the state in economic models.


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  5. Coleman and Rowthorn examines the impact of the change in UK immigration policy that opened the UK to much larger levels of immigration. The authors are concerned with the impact of immigration on the most vulnerable populations in the United Kingdom. Hatton provides a historical perspective on the economic consequences of immigration. Borjas, George J. This review article summarizes the literature on the economic impact of immigration.

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    Some researchers argue that immigrants complement the native labor force and thereby increase the wages of the native workforce; other scholars argue that immigrants substitute for the native workforce and thereby decrease native wages. However, empirically, the impact on wages appears to be small. Card, David, and Giovanni Peri. Borjas: A Review Essay. This is an important critique of the research of Goerge Borjas on immigration.

    Borjas has provided evidence of the negative impact of immigration on the host country labor market.